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The Election Commission has announced the schedule for the election of the President of India. The last date for nominations is June 30, elections will be held on July 19, and counting will take place on July 22. The BJD and AIADMK have proposed the name of Mr. P.A. Sangma. The Samajwadi Party and Trinamool Congress have suggested three names. Other parties or alliances have not announced any contenders. Our calculations show that no single party or alliance has the numbers to unilaterally elect candidates of its choice. A candidate will need 5,48,507 votes to be elected as the President. If the UPA were to vote as a consolidated block, its vote tally would reach 4,49,847 (41% of the total votes). Among the Congress allies, Trinamool holds the largest number of votes (47,898). If Trinamool decides to support some other candidate, the UPA tally will fall to 4,01,949 votes (37% of the total). The votes held by the major alliances are given in the table below:
Coalition | Value of votes | Percentage of total votes |
UPA |
4,49,847 |
41.0% |
NDA |
3,03,912 |
27.7% |
Left |
52,282 |
4.8% |
Bahujan Samaj Party |
43,723 |
4.0% |
Samajwadi Party |
68,943 |
6.3% |
Biju Janata Dal |
30,215 |
2.8% |
AIADMK |
36,216 |
3.3% |
Others |
1,11,874 |
10.2% |
Total |
10,97,012 |
|
Minimum required to be elected |
5,48,507 |
|
A detailed break-up of votes held by each party is given in the table below:
Party | Value of votes | Percentage of total votes |
Indian National Congress |
3,31,855 |
30.30% |
Bharatiya Janata Party |
2,32,454 |
21.20% |
Samajwadi Party |
68,943 |
6.30% |
All India Trinamool Congress |
47,898 |
4.40% |
Bahujan Samaj Party |
43,723 |
4.00% |
Janata Dal (United) |
41,574 |
3.80% |
All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) |
36,216 |
3.30% |
Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
35,734 |
3.30% |
Biju Janata Dal |
30,215 |
2.80% |
Nationalist Congress Party |
24,058 |
2.20% |
Independent |
23,830 |
2.20% |
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) |
21,780 |
2.00% |
Telugu Desam Party |
21,256 |
1.90% |
Shiv Sena |
18,320 |
1.70% |
Shiromani Akali Dal |
11,564 |
1.10% |
Communist Party of India |
9,758 |
0.90% |
Rashtriya Janata Dal |
8,816 |
0.80% |
Others |
7,420 |
0.70% |
Janata Dal (Secular) |
6,138 |
0.60% |
Jammu and Kashmir National Conference |
5,556 |
0.50% |
Rashtriya Lok Dal |
5,412 |
0.50% |
Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhaga (DMDK) |
5,104 |
0.50% |
Jharkhand Mukti Morcha |
4,584 |
0.40% |
Muslim League Kerala State Committee |
4,456 |
0.40% |
Indian National Lok Dal |
4,068 |
0.40% |
All India Forward Bloc |
3,961 |
0.40% |
Jharkhand Vikas Morcha |
3,352 |
0.30% |
Asom Gana Parishad |
3,284 |
0.30% |
Telangana Rashtra Samiti |
3,044 |
0.30% |
Revolutionary Socialist Party |
2,829 |
0.30% |
Bodoland People's Front |
2,808 |
0.30% |
All India United Democratic Front |
2,796 |
0.30% |
Praja Rajyam Party |
2,664 |
0.20% |
Maharashtra Navnirman Sena |
2,275 |
0.20% |
Kerala Congress (M) |
2,076 |
0.20% |
All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen |
1,744 |
0.20% |
Nagaland People's Front |
1,722 |
0.20% |
Sikkim Democratic Front |
1,640 |
0.10% |
Peoples Democratic Party |
1,512 |
0.10% |
Bahujan Vikas Aaghadi |
1,058 |
0.10% |
Lok Janasakti Party |
957 |
0.10% |
All Jharkhand Students Union |
880 |
0.10% |
Haryana Janhit Congress |
820 |
0.10% |
Mizo National Front |
732 |
0.10% |
Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam |
708 |
0.10% |
Swabhimani Paksha |
708 |
0.10% |
Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi |
708 |
0.10% |
YSR Congress Party |
708 |
0.10% |
Peasants and Workers Party |
700 |
0.10% |
Pattali Makkal Katchi |
528 |
0.00% |
Manithaneya Makkal Katch |
352 |
0.00% |
Puthiya Tamilaga |
352 |
0.00% |
All India NR Congress |
240 |
0.00% |
J&K National Panthers Party |
216 |
0.00% |
Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) |
176 |
0.00% |
United Democratic Party |
153 |
0.00% |
Lok Satta Party |
148 |
0.00% |
Loktantrik Samajwadi Party |
129 |
0.00% |
J&K Democratic Party Nationalist |
72 |
0.00% |
People's Democratic Front |
72 |
0.00% |
Uttarakhand Kranti Dal |
64 |
0.00% |
Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party |
60 |
0.00% |
People's Party of Arunachal |
32 |
0.00% |
Total |
10,97,012 |
|
Notes: The electoral college for the Presidential election consists of the elected members of Lok Sabha, Rajya Sabha and all Legislative Assemblies. The winning candidate must secure at least 50% of the total value of votes polled. Each MP/ MLA’s vote has a pre-determined value based on the population they represent. For instance, an MP’s vote has a value of 708, an MLA from UP has a vote value of 208 and an MLA from Sikkim has a vote value of 7 (Note that all MPs, irrespective of the constituency or State they represent, have equal vote value). Parties in various coalitions: UPA: Congress, Trinamool, DMK, NCP,Rashtriya Lok Dal, J&K National Conference, Muslim League Kerala State Committee, Kerala Congress (M), All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen, Sikkim Democratic Front, Praja Rajyam Party, Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi NDA: BJP, JD(U), Shiv Sena, Shiromani Akali Dal, Janata Party Left: CPI(M), CPI, Revolutionary Socialist Party, All India Forward Bloc
A few minutes ago, the Supreme Court delivered a judgement striking down Section 66 A of the Information Technology Act, 2000. This was in response to a PIL that challenged the constitutionality of this provision. In light of this, we present a background to Section 66 A and the recent developments leading up to its challenge before the Court. What does the Information Technology Act, 2000 provide for? The Information Technology (IT) Act, 2000 provides for legal recognition for transactions through electronic communication, also known as e-commerce. The Act also penalizes various forms of cyber crime. The Act was amended in 2009 to insert a new section, Section 66A which was said to address cases of cyber crime with the advent of technology and the internet. What does Section 66(A) of the IT Act say? Section 66(A) of the Act criminalises the sending of offensive messages through a computer or other communication devices. Under this provision, any person who by means of a computer or communication device sends any information that is:
Over the past few years, incidents related to comments, sharing of information, or thoughts expressed by an individual to a wider audience on the internet have attracted criminal penalties under Section 66(A). This has led to discussion and debate on the ambit of the Section and its applicability to such actions. What have been the major developments in context of this Section? In the recent past, a few arrests were made under Section 66(A) on the basis of social media posts directed at notable personalities, including politicians. These were alleged to be offensive in nature. In November 2012, there were various reports of alleged misuse of the law, and the penalties imposed were said to be disproportionate to the offence. Thereafter, a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) was filed in the Supreme Court, challenging this provision on grounds of unconstitutionality. It was said to impinge upon the freedom of speech and expression guaranteed by Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution. How has the government responded so far? Subsequently, the central government issued guidelines for the purposes of Section 66(A). These guidelines clarified that prior approval of the Deputy Commissioner or Inspector General of Police was required before a police officer or police station could register a complaint under Section 66(A). In May 2013, the Supreme Court (in relation to the above PIL) also passed an order saying that such approval was necessary before any arrest is to be made. Since matters related to police and public order are dealt with by respective state governments, a Supreme Court order was required for these guidelines to be applicable across the country. However, no changes have been made to Section 66 A itself. Has there been any legislative movement with regard to Section 66(A)? A Private Member Bill was introduced in Lok Sabha in 2013 to amend Section 66(A) of the IT Act. The Statement of Objects and Reasons of the Bill stated that most of the offences that Section 66(A) dealt with were already covered by the Indian Penal Code (IPC), 1860. This had resulted in dual penalties for the same offence. According to the Bill, there were also inconsistencies between the two laws in relation to the duration of imprisonment for the same offence. The offence of threatening someone with injury through email attracts imprisonment of two years under the IPC and three years under the IT Act. The Bill was eventually withdrawn. In the same year, a Private Members resolution was also moved in Parliament. The resolution proposed to make four changes: (i) bring Section 66(A) in line with the Fundamental Rights of the Constitution; (ii) restrict the application of the provision to communication between two persons; (iii) precisely define the offence covered; and (iv) reduce the penalty and make the offence a non-cognizable one (which means no arrest could be made without a court order). However, the resolution was also withdrawn. Meanwhile, how has the PIL proceeded? According to news reports, the Supreme Court in February, 2015 had stated that the constitutional validity of the provision would be tested, in relation to the PIL before it. The government argued that they were open to amend/change the provision as the intention was not to suppress freedom of speech and expression, but only deal with cyber crime. The issues being examined by the Court relate to the powers of the police to decide what is abusive, causes annoyance, etc,. instead of the examination of the offence by the judiciary . This is pertinent because this offence is a cognizable one, attracting a penalty of at least three years imprisonment. The law is also said to be ambiguous on the issue of what would constitute information that is “grossly offensive,” as no guidelines have been provided for the same. This lack of clarity could lead to increased litigation. The judgement is not available in the public domain yet. It remains to be seen on what the reasoning of the Supreme Court was, in its decision to strike down Section 66A, today.